Following the cold war and the terrorist attacks of Sept.11, 2001, the term "fragile states" has gained increasing prominence in security debates and the international community turned his attention to the hows of engagement in such countries. These security concerns originate from several factors: emphasis on establishing peace and security and this growing recognition that development and security are interrelated and the stability of state plays an influential role in its development. The term "fragile state" refers to the weak states which are vulnerable to internal and external threats and have a poor government incapable of managing domestic affairs and foreign policy and even it self can be regarded as a threat to the security of state. The current study aims to investigate the effects of Iraq's fragile state on the security threats to the women of this country using indexes of "state fragility" and "human security". Many thinkers believe that the crisis and civil war in Iraq after 2003 are caused by failure in nation- state building process and weakness of Iraqi government in the maintenance of societal order and unity. The fragility of state in Iraq, during these years has crucially affected the human security specially security of women. This thesis seeks to clarify the role of fragile state of Iraq in exacerbating the crisis giving rise to serious threats to the security of women".

The Safavid dynasty often considered the beginning of modern Iranian history in which the first independent Iranian state after Islam was founded. However, the Safavid government was relatively able to regulate violence and achieve in some degree, but after some time, social order faced a crisis and collapse. This study investigates the causes of this by citing historical sources, using a comparative and analytical method and relying on the model of the fragile natural state presented by North, Wallis and Weingast. Based on the findings of this study characteristics of the Safavid government in the four themes of "failure to form a stable coalition", "imbalance between social forces", "personal, informal and unilateral structure of political power" and "monopoly of political economy and violation of property rights" are similar to the main indicators of fragile natural government.

The main purpose of this paper is to explore the nature of subjectivity in today's uneven neoliberal sphere in the social life of the Iranian frontiers, and in particular the city of Baneh. Accordingly, in the context of an ethnographic narrative in the city of Baneh in Iran-Iraq border the encounter of local culture and global neoliberal market is investigated. We aim to investigate the way in which subjectivity is constructed and articulated amid the encounters of frontier city of Baneh with both neoliberal economic space and political sphere of Iran. The methodology of this paper is a combination of ethnography and local autobiographies. Our narration from the ethnograpy of the mentiond enconters clarifies that there is not a universal pattern in world or even in a particular country, and to explore in this area of study is to explore in specific dimensions of the experience. In the uneven social space of Iran and specifically Baneh, subjectivity amid the social, political, economic and cultural fields acquire a life full of conjunctures, fortunes and misfortunes. Subjectivity is niether free and autonomous nor fluid or synthetic, but fragile and vulnerable. Neoliberal and market components and governmental relations in its particular form in Baneh city have entered the realm of individuals' lives, family life and other social relationship, constructing fragile individual; cultural and social destabilization of symbolic life, changes in social norms and cultural values, commodification of human relationships and ultimately constructing a fragile subjectivity between the market and the state.

Due to both internal and external factors, Western Asia has long been suffering from security tribulations and political instability. The institution of various military and militia groups in the region in the absence of powerful central governments is the leading cause of most crises in Western Asia. The development of such security and military interactions outside the sovereignty framework paves the way for foreign interventions, making the region unstable and insecure. Working at times as proxy agents, these groups take action in the absence of a powerful stable central government in short term, and set the ground for sustained unrest, dispersion and the development of irresponsible armed groups in long term. These groups proliferate when the central governments lack the necessary persuasive power or lose the ability to manage crises and to exercise exclusive power for reasons such as lack of effective military power, disagreement over the quality of interaction with opposition groups, losing the monopoly of military power, intervention of regional or transboundary powers, high financial and organizing abilities of the militia, etc. This article is based on the hypothesis that the development and continuous growth of non-state armed groups stems from various internal and external reasons, causing security crisis in the concerned countries. The most crucial way to end these crises is empowering the central government through national cohesiveness, consensus, and the exclusive practice of hard power based on the law.

The state as the most important political institution is a modern phenomenon whose critical reflection on how it is formed and functions can reveal many facts about a political system. Due to the importance of the state, many theories have been developed about it, of which the "fragile state" is just one. A weak and fragile state is a relatively comprehensive theory that examines the state, stability, and the realization of the existential goals of a state by examining several indicators. A fragile state is a state that lacks the capacity to control and influence society, regulate social relations, and authoritatively allocate resources. The fragility indicators of the state are a suitable criterion and platform by which one can speak of the success or failure of societies in modern state-building. Accordingly, this study is based on the question of the fragility of the modern democratic state in Iran during the first Pahlavi era. It seams,The process of modern state-building that Reza Shah was considered the founder of,He was not very faithful to the characteristics of a modern democratic state,Because this process took place in this period, it was authoritarian and Reza Shah could not create the necessary logical balance between the different areas of state building. Building a kingdom based on traditional thought was at odds with his efforts to overthrow modern society,A contradiction that had been the twin of this dynasty until the end of Pahlavi's life. In this article, in seeking the reasons for Reza Shah's failure in the project of modern democratic statebuilding, the theoretical framework of the fragile state of "Carmen and Sami" is emphasized,It addresses the fragility that has its roots in major crises within society, as well as in the functioning of the political system. The theoretical foundation of this paper is based on the fragile state theory and the comparative historical method in the sociological-historical approach.

During the last two decades, the concept of fragile state, has been appeared as one of the most important concepts of international politics. This phenomenon is one of the characteristics of middle east states. These states have elements such as military intervention of other states, violent and hard kind of regime change, legitimacy crisis, environmental problems, dysfunction of economic and legal system and spread of terrorism. Although internal effects of fragile states have been so more under the focus of researchers and analyzers, regional effects of these states especially in environmental field have been rarely under focus. Iraqi state has been evaluated as a fragile and unstable state from 2003 until now. The aim of the present research is to examine the effect of Iraq fragile state on environmental security of Islamic Republic of Iran. The main question of the research is “ what are the effect of Iraq fragile state on environmental security of Iran? ˮ Findings of the research show considering the characters of fragile state, Iraq has an important role in environmental threats such as water deficit crisis, dust haze storms, air pollution, soil erosion caused by desertification and deforestation in neighbor state, Iran, especially in west parts.

The security dilemma, as one of the main concerns of countries in the international arena, that as one country's security increases, other countries will go through a process of insecurity. It is the duty of states to provide political goods such as security, economic facilities, legal order and infrastructure. When a state fails to provide these features, it is considered as a fragile state. The concept in the last decade, is one of the characteristics of some Middle Eastern countries. Iraq has been included in the group of fragile states since 2003 and has always had an unsatisfactory level of security since then. Accordingly, the main question is “, what effect does the fragile state of Iraq have on the security dilemma in the Persian Gulf? ”, . Using a descriptive-analytical method, the purpose of this paper tries to examine the security dilemma in post-2003 Iraq as a state in the Persian Gulf region. Findings show that the fragile state of Iraq has intensified the security dilemma in the Persian Gulf by disrupting the regional Arab order, paving the way for increased military intervention, influencing the balance of power between Iran and Saudi Arabia, and paving the way for the spread of terrorist activities and oil smuggling in the Persian Gulf region.

Historical and empirical evidence suggests that the process of state-building in the Islamic world and in developing countries has not only not gone well; Rather, it has faced a crisis of legitimacy, ethnic and religious violence, inefficiency, an identity crisis, and interference (Introduction). In this article, the etiology of the government crisis in Afghanistan and the strategy of the desired government as the goal of the article is presented as an issue (goal). Identity components have been an important factor in state-building in Afghanistan and have been delayed due to the persistence of identity and social conflicts. On the other hand, the role of external factors has also contributed to this issue. The main question of the article is that; What are the causes of the state-building crisis in Afghanistan? And what is the strategy of a favorable post-Taliban government? (Question) This research, in terms of fundamental-applied purpose, relying on qualitative method and descriptive-analytical type, intends to review and represent the mentioned question with library tools (method). In explaining the obstacles to state-building in Afghanistan,

Fragile words have been already considered in the context of automata groups. Here we focus our attention on a special class of strongly fragile words that we call Catalan fragile words. Among other properties, we show that there exists a one-to-one correspondence between the set of Catalan fragile words and the set of full binary trees.

In recent years, fractional order systems and fractional order control have increasingly attracted the attention of researchers in various fields of science and engineering. On the other hand, numerous control approaches have been extended in order to be utilized in fractional order systems. Despite this fact, few research studies have been devoted to generalizing integer order observers to fractional order ones. Since the applications of fractional order systems are increasing, developing fractional order observers seems to be essential. In this paper the problem of non-fragile adaptive sliding mode observer design for a class of fractional-order nonlinear systems with time delay is addressed. First, the states of the fractional-order pseudo-linear time-delay system with matched nonlinearity are estimated employing the sliding mode control method. Then the state estimation problem of fractional order systems with mismatched nonlinearity has been investigated. The asymptotic stability of the estimation error dynamics is proven by employing the Lyapunov stability analysis method for fractional order systems. The sufficient stability conditions are derived in the form of Linear Matrix Inequalities (LMIs). Eventually, the effective performance of the proposed approach in this paper has been corroborated through simulation of a numerical example and also a case study of a fractional order economic system.